Department of the Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts home page

About us | Contact us | Publications | What's new

Education header imagesEducation header imagesEducation header images

Publications

Teaching for a sustainable world: international edition

Griffith University and the Department of the Environment, Sport & Territories, 1997


Module 17

WOMEN, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT

Jane Williamson-Fien
Queensland University of Technology
Australia

INTRODUCTION

Women and men inhabit different environments and they use their environments in different ways. This workshop explores a range of women's environments. It addresses the various ways in which the processes of development have changed women's traditional environments while creating new female habitats. It also considers some of the strategies that women are using to protect and recover their environments. The workshop concludes with participants identifying a set of criteria that will promote sustainable development for women and their environments.

OBJECTIVES

As a result of completing this workshop, participants should be able to:

WORKSHOP OUTLINE

This workshop contains eight activities.

1. Personal Environments

In this warm-up activity, participants are asked to identify the nature and extent of their own environments.

2. Women's Domestic Environments

This activity explores women's domestic environments. It asks participants to consider how women's domestic environments might be improved.

3. Work Environments of Western Women

Statistical data are used in this activity to identify the types of work environments in which western women are to be found.

4. Women Farmers

This activity examines the endeavours of women farmers. Participants identify the factors that affect women farmers and the changes that are needed to improve their lives.

5. Women as Industrial and Service Workers in, and from, the South

This activity uses case studies of women workers both in and from the South. It examines the implications for these women of western-style development practices.

6. Women's Environmental Activism

Four case studies of women's environmental activism are used in this activity to consider the types of issues that women are concerned about and the range of strategies they are using to promote change.

7. Criteria for Sustainable Development

In this activity, participants develop a set of criteria which will promote sustainable development for women and their environments.

8. Curriculum Applications

Participants identify where the themes explored in this workshop can be incorporated into the syllabuses they teach and plan a lesson on one of the themes.

MATERIALS REQUIRED

A. Provided

Resources

Resource 1: Work Environments of Western Women and Men

Resource 2: Jane's Story

Resource 3: Mariama's Story

Resource 4: Sithembiso's Story

Resource 5: Jan's Story

Resource 6: Selina's Story

Resource 7: Noi's Story

Resource 8: Cathy's Story

Resource 9: The Chipko Movement

Resource 10: Kenya: Creating Islands of Green

Resource 11: Maria Cherkasova

Resource 12: Michiko Ishimure

B. To Obtain

Activity 2: Plans or diagrams of domestic environments are needed for this activity. Sometimes these can be found in building company advertisements in newspapers. Alternatively, participants could be provided with simple plans which are typical of the domestic dwellings or domestic compounds that are found in their communities. Participants will need to be supplied with large sheets of paper and coloured pencils for this activity.

Activity 3: Participants will need to be supplied with large sheets of paper and coloured pencils for this activity.

Activity 8: This activity requires a selection of relevant syllabuses and lesson plan headings.

ADDITIONAL READING

Afshar, H. (ed.) (1991) Women, Development and Survival in the Third World, Longman, London.

Braidotti, R., Charkiewicz, E., Hausler, S. and Wieringa S. (1994) Women, the Environment and Sustainable Development, Zed Press in association with INSTAW, London and New Jersey.

Dankelman, I. and Davidson, J. (1988) Women and the Environment in the Third World: Alliance for the Future, Earthscan Publications in association with IUCN, London.

Fuentes, A. and Ehrenreich, B. (1984) Women in the Global Factory, South End Press, Burton.

Manomiya (1984) Returned Volunteer Action, London. (A simulation/board game that explores the impact of a development project on a group African women farmers.)

MATRIX (1984) Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment, Pluto Press, London.

Matsui, Y. (1975) Protest and the Japanese Woman, Japan Quarterly, 22(1), 32-39.

Matsui, Y. (1987) Women's Asia, Zed Press, London.

Mies, M. and Shiva, V. (1993) Ecofeminism, Spinifex, Melbourne.

New Internationalist (1986) Man-made Famine, New Internationalist, Oxford. (VHS video, 52 minutes with 6 page booklet.)

Ress, P. (1992) Women's Success in Environmental Management, Our Planet, 4(1), 16-18.

Rodda, A. (1991) Women and the Environment, Zed Press, London.

Seager, J. and Olson, A. (1986) Women in the World: An International Atlas, Pluto Press, London.

Seager, J. (1993) Earth Follies, Routledge, New York.

Shiva, V. (1989) Staying Alive, Zed Press, London.

Shiva, V. (ed.) (1994) Close to Home - Women Reconnect Ecology, Health and Development, Earthscan, London.

Sontheimer, S. (ed.) (1991) Women and the Environment: A Reader, Earthscan Publications, London.

Timberlake, L. (1988) Only One Earth, BBC Books, London.

Weber, T. (1989) Hugging the Trees, Penguin, Harmondsworth.

United Nations (1991) The World's Women 1970-1990:Trends and Statistics, United Nations, New York.

Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices - Teaching Resources on Women and Development, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, Queensland, Australia.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Resource 1 has been extracted from United Nations data on women (UN 1991).

Resource 2 (Jane's Story) comes from a radio interview with Jane Tassie by the Australian Broadcasting Commission. The interview was subsequently published in J. Rigg and J. Copeland's book Coming Out (Nelson and the ABC, 1985).

Resource 3 (Mariama's Story) was first published in an article by S. Hobson entitled 'Bulldozed' (New Internationalist, January 1984).

Resource 4 (Sithembiso's Story) was extracted from an interview which Sithembiso did with students at Roseworthy Agricultural College, South Australia, in 1991. The interview was published as 'A Living from the Land' in Youthpower (Spring 1992).

Resource 8 (Cathy's Story) and Resource 12 (Michiko Ishimure) are based on information provided by Yayori Matsui. Cathy's Story comes from Matsui's (1987) Women's Asia ,while the details on Michiko Ishimure have been extracted from Matsui's (1975) article 'Protest and the Japanese Woman'.

Resource 9 (The Chipko Movement) comes from Weber (1989).

Resource 10 was originally published in Newsweek magazine (March 9, 1992).

Resource 11 (Maria Cherkasova) has been extracted from Ress (1992).

Finally, Resource 5 (Jan's Story), Resource 6 (Selina's Story) and Resource 7 (Noi's Story) were developed by the author for her text, Women's Voices (Williamson-Fien 1993).

ACTIVITIES

1. Personal Environments

This activity asks participants to identify the nature and extent of their own personal environments.

2. Women's Domestic Environments

This activity explores domestic environments. Such environments might include: the domestic dwelling or dwellings, outhouses, sheds, etc., as well as any yards or gardens associated with the dwelling. In some instances, a domestic environment might be designated 'a domestic compound'. In other instances, a domestic environment might constitute a small apartment. These differences have implications for women and the tasks they undertake in the domestic sphere. The activity also asks participants to consider how women's domestic environments might be improved.

3. Work Environments of Western Women

In this activity, participants utilise statistical data to identify the types of work environments in which western women are found.

4. Women Farmers

This activity examines the endeavours of women farmers. Participants identify the factors that affect women farmers and the changes that are needed to improve their lives.

5. Women as Industrial and Service Workers in, and from, the South

This activity uses case studies of women workers both in and from the South. It examines the implications for these women of western-style development practices.

6. Women's Environmental Activism

Four case studies of women's environmental activism are used in this activity to consider the type of issues that women are concerned about and the range of strategies they are using to promote change.

7. Criteria for Sustainable Development

In this activity, participants develop a set of criteria which will promote sustainable development for women and their environments.

8. Curriculum Applications

In this activity, participants identify where the themes explored in this workshop can be incorporated into the syllabuses they teach, and then plan a lesson on one of the themes appropriate to a subject and class they teach.

A. A Place in the Syllabus

Participants may require copies of relevant syllabus documents for this activity.

B. Lesson Planning

Resource 1

Work Environments of Western Women and Men

Source: Extracted from United Nations (1991) The World's Women 1970-1990: Trends and Statistics, UN, New York, pp. 102-104.

A. Indicators of Time Use: Distribution Between Women and Men of Unpaid Housework (% Share of Women and Men)

Preparing Meals
Child Care
Shopping
Other Housework
Total
Year*
W (%)
M (%)
W (%)
M (%)
W (%)
M (%)
W (%)
M (%)
W (%)
M (%)

Australia

1987
76
24
78
22
60
40
53
47
68
32

Belgium

1966
94
6
81
19
76
24
83
17
85
15

Canada

1971

1981

1986
87

74
81
13
26
19
80
75
76
20
25
24
58
61
58
42
39
42
78
66
67
22
34
33
77
69
68
23
31
32

Finland

1979
82
18
77
23
57
43
54
46
69
31

France

1965
87
13
85
15
70
30
76
24
79
21

Netherlands

1975
1980
83
80
17
20
77
79
23
21
65
63
35
37
84
86
16
24
79
79
21
21

Norway

1972
1981
89
81
11
19
79
70
21
30
67
57
33
43
86
82
14
18
84
76
16
24

United Kingdom

1961
1975
1984
90
89
74
10
11
26
86
81
76
14
19
24
79
69
60
21
31
40
89
87
76
11
13
24
88
84
72
12
16
28

United States

1965
1975
1986
90
87
78
10
13
22
82
77
73
18
23
28
66
62
60
34
38
40
78
68
61
22
31
39
79
75
64
21
25
36

West Germany

1965
94
6
84
16
75
25
74
26
80
20

* The most up-to-date information available

 

B. Indicators of Women's Economic Activity

Economically Active Population Aged 15 Years and Over
Occupational Groups (1980s)
Women economically active (000s)
Economic Activity Rate (%)
Av. Annual Growth % 1970-1990
W as % of total

Managers

Cleri-cal, sales

Fac-tory

1970

1990

1970

1990

1970

1990

F
M
1990

Women per 100 men

Australia

1666

3037

37

46

82

77

3.0

1.5

38

42

138

28

Belgium

1100

1400

29

33

71

70

1.2

0.5

34

15

102

16

Canada

2808

5313

37

49

79

78

3.2

1.6

40

54

178

17

Finland

960

1200

53

57

75

70

1.1

0.4

37

20

140

18

Netherlands

1235

1900

26

31

74

71

2.2

1.0

31

14

127

9

Norway

472

875

32

50

79

75

3.1

0.5

41

28

252

18

United Kingdom

9077

10724

41

46

82

77

0.8

0.2

39

29

225

18

United States

31727

50531

42

50

78

77

2.4

1.3

41

61

183

23

West Germany

9704

10915

39

41

79

75

0.6

0.4

37

20

140

18

Resource 2

Jane's Story

Source: Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, pp.34-35.

Jane was a farmer. She worked a farm with her husband in South Australia. In 1985, she made the following comments on a radio program:

Our property is 540 acres. It's a mixed grazing property with sheep and cattle - we don't do any cropping. I'm full partner in the farm and I share 50 per cent of management and planning decisions and 50 per cent of the domestic work with my husband. I suppose the most physically taxing job I do is hay carting, which involves stacking square bales, taking them from the paddock and stacking them in the shed. A lot of women don't do that work because they haven't been encouraged to have a try. A lot of men don't do it either because it's very hard work but, although it is physically demanding at the time, after I've done it I feel very good. With just a bit of thought and ingenuity I know that women can do practically any job on the farm, using principles of physics or whatever, just using their heads.

Women's contributions are not recognised: even people who know the amount of work I do and have seen me doing it still find it very difficult to accept me as a farmer. They refer questions about the farm to Simon and expect him to answer them. They call him the boss, which annoys us both because we know that's not so. I've had a lot of trouble in the past with people like stock agents and people in machinery shops. Once when Simon was away a couple of my women friends from Adelaide were staying with me. We spent a day laying pipes from a tank to a trough and had a wonderful time working together, and at the end of the day we felt so good that we thought we would come down to town to celebrate with a few drinks and dinner. On the way I stopped in at the stock agents in Mount Gambier to get some gate saddles, which are like hinges.

I went and said, 'I'll have half a dozen saddles for the gates,' and the chap behind the counter said, 'does he want galvanised or plain?'

I said, 'I'd like them galvanised.'

'Which size does he want?'

'I'd like such and such a size.'

There was some other question, 'Does he know such-and-such?' to which I just said, 'Look, I know what I want ...' (that certain type of hinge). To me it was amazing; I felt I had some invisible man over my left shoulder that this person was talking to.

Another day, we finished shearing and were both very tired. We went over to a place in Victoria to inspect some sheep which we were considering buying. It was about 38 degrees and, as I say, we were tired. We were inspecting the sheep in the yard - I might preface this by saying that I had asked a few relevant questions of the man who owned the sheep and he answered me in a sensible way, in a way that recognised that I knew what I was talking about. The stock agent then turned to me and said, 'I suppose it's nice to get out and come for a drive.' It was 38 degrees and we'd travelled about 220km so it was hardly that. I thought. 'Listen mate, if you could have seen what I've done over the last week and a half' and he was standing there with his big fat beergut..

I feel angry when that kind of thing happens. I find that to be acknowledged, not to be accepted, but just to have it acknowledged that I'm there, I have to really push myself up front and I get sick of doing that all the time. I have to stride up almost manfully and stick my hand out and say, 'How do you do, I'm Jane Tassie?' Even then, quite often at the end of the discussion they'll say, 'oh, well goodbye Simon, goodbye, um . . . er', they don't even say, 'What was your name?', they just mumble and nod. So it is really hard to be recognised in that field. I think a lot of men feel that they would lose face if they admitted how capable their wives are.

The image of the farmer in the media is still the same, unfortunately. You have shows like the Country Hour, which constantly refers to farmers as 'he'. It used always to refer to the problems of succession on farms as 'the son taking over the farm'. I haven't noticed that has changed a great deal. There has been a little more attention paid to the capacities of women to run farms and to work on farms but not as much as I think is due. I think it's probably up to women to help one another.

(Jane has now left the land to work in women's health in Adelaide.)

Resource 3

Mariama's Story

Source: Hobson, S. (1984) Bulldozed, New Internationalist, January, pp. 21-22.

Mariama is a farmer and until recently she farmed her own rice land in Gambia (West Africa).

Mariama notes:

When you're born, you're given land by your mother. It becomes your land. You can also get compound land from your husband; but if you marry a man who has no land to give you as your own, your mother's land is always there for you to support yourself. Even the village head man hasn't the right to take that land away from you.

The rice fields provide the women of Gambia with both food and cash. They grow most of the country's rice, as independent farmers, and this has provided them with considerable control over their own lives while allowing them to fulfil their fundamental marital obligation - to produce food for their families.

To the women of Gambia, their rice fields are their domain. For generations, they have worked them without the assistance of the men. Nevertheless, the productivity of the women's fields has always been hampered by lack of technical support, facilities and credit. Last year women farmers received less than one per cent of government credit; the bulk went to male farmers for their seed, fertiliser and machinery. In the last eight years more than thirty times the money has been spent on developing irrigated land to the advantage of men, with relative small returns in rice; while women's traditional rice cultivation, which produces most of the country's rice, has been mainly ignored.

Mariama knows about the impact of such things:

We have to plough by hand. We hoe until the skin peels off our hands. We work like this because we haven't got machinery.

Recently, the livelihood of Mariama, and thousands of other women in the Kerewan Samba Sira area, has been threatened by a major development project designed to make Gambia more self-sufficient in rice.

It began a year ago. A group of us were cutting rice that had ripened. Some had harvested half their fields; others were just beginning. All of us had spent several months working hard to ensure the success of our crop. Then the bulldozer came. It ploughed through our fields. We cried out and blocked the way. When the Gambian driver hesitated, then stopped, a white man climbed up and drove the machine right through our harvest. It destroyed everything. I couldn't do anything I just had to pray to God.

Compensation has still not been paid to the 13 women farmers, 9 months after they lost their harvest and in June, hundreds of women farmers were ordered not to grow rice during the rainy season - rice they needed to feed their families. Food aid was to be provided, but the women doubted when it would come and to whom it would go. For months they lived in a state of anxiety until sacks of rice were distributed.

It is the women's rice land that has been acquired tor the new development scheme. Apparently the village headman leased their land, along with unused village swamp land for 50 years to the government. The women were not consulted, despite their traditional rights over the land, and they have no guarantee of its return.

The project document declares that 'the rights of women to use of land will be respected in land distribution deriving from the project'. But Mariama is sceptical.

I think this Project will distribute all the fields to the men. It was the same with earlier projects when we helped build them - but they gave the men all the plots. It was the World Bank that gave the land to the men. It was supposed to be given to both men and women, but in the end we got nothing. We think this will happen again.

At 33, Mariama is a leading force among the women of her village. President of the Women's Society and organiser for the Young Farmers' Club, she helps to rally men and women farmers to work as a cooperative, to produce more food and to save money. Yet she is also a woman, the second of her husband's wives, the mother of seven children, three of whom have died. Her life is bound by domestic duties, her fertility and acceptance of the status quo.

If you marry a man, you have to serve him and obey him. Men are fed by women. In the morning you sweep your house, take care of the children, pound rice for breakfast and lunch, fetch wood and water. All the housework is done by women. Men don't do any. We work from early morning till night-time. As a woman, her labour can be called on by her husband in the fields.

As a woman, she is expected to weed and transplant. The Project recognises that much of its success depends on the labour of women. But will women be given the opportunity to have their own plots and work as independent farmers?

If I don't have my own fields then I have to work as a casual labourer to earn what I need.

Mariama is only semi-literate, but she recognises that such a situation makes her dependent on what work the Project has to offer and what its managers are prepared to give her.

Resource 4

Sithembiso's Story

Source: A Living from the Land, Youthpower, No. 14, Spring 1992, pp. 5-7.

Sithembiso comes from Zimbabwe in Africa She is concerned with land ownership and land use and is the founding Director of the Organisation of Rural Associations for Progress (O.R.A.P). O.R.A.P. has over 700 groups affiliated with it and is the largest grass roots non- government organisation in Southern Africa.

Sithembiso says:

Perhaps you would like to hear what happened to my own family? It's a very common story. In 1945, my parents were moved from their land in Matabeleland south to the Midlands to make room for soldiers returning from World War 2. It was very good, fertile land that we lost. The land tenure meant that we had to move to virgin land and start from scratch. There was no compensation for our old homes or the loss of our land. We were just moved out and our homes were destroyed.

Each family was given about 10 acres in the new area and as the families grew the land had to be worked more and more. Before, on our old land, there was room for us to shift cultivate and the land could regenerate itself.

I have seen a lot of changes in my own lifetime. When I was a child there use to be a lot of thick brush and a great variety of plants and animals and grasses. There was also a lot of underground water and the rivers were flowing full. But today these things do not exist any more because of the droughts, the economic situation, which has pushed people to stay on the land, and the land tenure system, which has pushed large numbers of people onto unsuitable land.

People had to rely on their surroundings for their livelihood. But sometimes if you go to a village where there is soil erosion, for example, you will tend to blame the people you see there, rather than look behind at the history of those people and see why the situation is what it is. The environmentalists accuse people of ignorance and not caring, or having too many children, of over-exploiting the land.. no one asks why they are there in the first place.

The women are the ones who suffer the most. Where the land has been overused and is becoming less productive, the men will usually go to the cities and try to find a job. But the women will remain in the village, to try to look after the family, or try to make a living from the land.

In my job I go to a lot of villages and find that they are occupied by women and children, and sometimes very old people. But the majority of young people and able-bodied men go to the cities to look for work. The women get overloaded with work - taking care of the children, the household, making a living.

My organisation is a village movement, we work at the village level. What we try and do is assist women, and the whole family, to make a living in the village situation. The first thing that we do is popular education, to make people aware that they should not blame themselves for what has happened to the land, and to understand the forces that have acted on them.

We also have to work within the culture. One of the things I have learned in my job is that this development work is not about what I know and can give, but about what people themselves know and can use. Our culture is rich. We are not a bankrupt continent, contrary to Western perceptions. We are rich in moral values, in spirit, in things that really matter.

One of the strategies that we are using (in O.R.A.P.) is to go back to our culture and understand how land is being used now, and how it could be used - how people should relate to land and nature. The main thing is that we really should learn to respect the land. This is our traditional way. You cannot respect the land if you do not understand it, or if you do not know much about it.

So the first stage for us is to learn about our environment, to learn about our trees, to learn about our forests and what they can do for us. What various types of plants are used for and how they grow and how they are taken care of. Also we need to learn about the relationships between the animals and insects in our forests, because all of nature is balanced.

The second stage is to use a different method of agriculture. We are changing it back from commercial monoculture, where you clear everything on the land and then plant a single crop. Now we are going back to multicropping. we plant all the crops together, just as in nature, There are bushes growing next to tall trees and little plants. We grow different things together - such as maize, groundnuts and millet. This is what we used to do before the introduction of Western methods of agriculture. Our old women know which crops we should plant together to enhance the soil, to control the insects, to keep the worms away from the seeds in the ground, to keep the birds off the crops. We are also returning to using compost and organic fertilisers, as we used to do.

The Western-style agriculture that has been introduced to our country has been very bad for it - for the land and for the people. For example, when you cut down all the trees and plough the huge fields, the soil becomes loose and the wind strips off all the topsoil.

Western-style education has taught us that the old ways are 'primitive' but we are now learning the wisdom and value of them. We are listening to the knowledge of the old people and setting up documentation centres in the villages.

I have found that in every human being there is a need and a push for change - in everyone there is a force towards a better world!.

Resource 5

Jan's Story

Source: Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, pp. 32-33.

Jan is a grazier. She owns and runs, with husband Michael, a 2270 hectare property, The Overflow, just south of Brisbane, Australia. Jan has always been connected with the land and with the grazing industry in particular. She grew up on her parent's central Queensland cattle property and, following a private school education in Brisbane, she returned to the land, working on a number of Queensland properties with her husband before they took over the Joyce family farm, The Overflow, in 1968.

In March 1992, Jan was elected President of the South East Queensland Branch of the United Graziers Association. This organisation is the direct descendent of the Darling Downs Pastoralists' Association, formed to counter the shearers in the 1890s. Until Jan's election, it had never had a women leader. At the time of her elevation to the presidency, Jan said:

I think my election ... is quite something for women. It was good that members had a vote. It's a positive statement about the role of women in the organisation.

One year after her election, Jan acknowledges that she has 'worked harder than most to justify it' but she admits that this typically occurs when women achieve positions of power in male-oriented organisations.

Jan would like to see women having a higher profile in farmer organisations. She says:

Women have always had to get out and work side-by-side with men in the pastoral industry. Also, they often look after the accounts of the property because they have acquired business and computer skills. So women are heavily involved in the day-to-day work and decision-making in farming but they haven't received much encouragement to come forward, stand for election and become visible in the industry.

The main reason for this lack of encouragement, Jan believes, is that men feel threatened or afraid when women start to become active. 'It's a male ego thing' she says. In the past, she points out, some producer associations discouraged women from attending their branch meetings and they organised separate programmes for women at their conferences, so that the women 'had no input into discussions'.

Things are changing, however, there are now a number of women like Jan in elected positions in other producers' organisations. But substantial barriers remain to women's participation in agricultural politics, not the least of which is the lack of time busy women farmers have to devote to additional activities.

Ironically, while Jan acknowledges that the rural recession has had a dreadful impact on families in the bush, she believes that it has proved to he a 'watershed for women'. With men leaving the land in search of additional work, the women left behind are 'taking on roles they have not done before; they are being forced to make decisions and become more independent'. Jan hopes that this new confidence and visibility will encourage more rural women to have their say in primary industry organisations.

Apart from insisting that women should be appropriately represented in producers' associations, Jan believes that women's experiences and insights can offer 'new perspectives on many issues'. Such perspectives will enable the associations to keep abreast of the concerns of the wider community, she argues. This seems clear in Jan's own case. For example, her busy schedule as, housewife, grazier and industry leader has enabled her to empathise with other busy women who are looking for ways to reduce their work loads and simplify their chores. One aspect of this, which Jan is quick to point out, is the desire for convenience foods. She notes:

Many Australian women, who are usually the purchasers and preparers of meat for their families, want cuts of meat that are of consistent quality and which are easily and quickly cooked. The grazing industry has to recognise these demands and supply the market. We cannot afford to overlook these trends.

Jan's concerns about producing for changing market requirements, along with a keen interest in animal welfare and a desire to promote unity across producer groups occupy a lot of her time and energy. In addition, she is acutely aware of the need to avoid what she calls 'development without progress', by which she means the application of new ideas, or new technologies, which do little to improve the final outcome, or the final product, but which might actually make the situation worse than it was before. The active involvement of more women in agricultural politics might help to ensure that this sort of development does not occur.

Resource 6

Selina's Story

Source: Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, pp. 62-63.

Selina is a twenty year old Malaysian women. Like many women of her age and background, Selina left her rural home to find factory work in one of Malaysia's export processing zones. Selina is employed by a U.S. owned electronics firm which manufactures and tests silicon micro-chips in a factory in Penang.

The Malaysian Government has promoted an export-oriented, manufacturing sector as the means to achieve economic growth. Export processing zones, or free trade zones, were established by the government to promote this form of development. In these zones, foreign companies are provided with infrastructure services and land for factories. The main attractions for foreign investors, however, are tax incentives, e.g. tax holidays, and the availability of a cheap, non-unionised female labour force. Selina became one of the workers in this system.

Selina says:

When I started work with this company, I was put in the official test section where I had to look through a microscope to test the chips before they were bonded. It took me two weeks to get used to using the microscope. After the training period they set my quota at 15 trays a day. I think there are between 160 - 180 chips in each tray, so I tested about 3,500 chips a day.

At the moment my current shift starts at 6 am. It finishes at 2 pm. They don't allow us to talk during our work, but we can talk during our breaks. We have a 10 minute break at 8 am and a 15 minute 'lunch' break at 9.15 am.

Every two weeks they rotate our shifts. They seem to think we like this to happen, but it really makes life very difficult especially for those women who have children. Next week, I will start work at 2 pm and work through to 10 pm. It's difficult to readjust our sleeping and eating patterns and it makes it impossible for us to find additional work or study in our off-duty hours. I think they want to keep us dependent on them.

I earn the equivalent of about A$200 per month and I try to send as much of it as possible to my parents and five sisters at home. But I do have rent, food and transport costs. Also, my friends and I like to get dressed up in Western clothes, put on make-up and go out on dates. We would all like to find husbands here because, although we miss our families, it will be hard for us to return home and marry the men our parents have picked for us.

My parents are devout Muslims and they see my time here as temporary. To them, I am helping to support the family until I return home to marry. Then, maybe, one of my other sisters will come to work here.

But I quite like the freedom I have here and the Western lifestyle the company promotes. For example, each year the company runs a beauty contest which we are encouraged to enter. The first prize is a package tour to Medan (our nearest big city); second prize is a cassette player and third prize a night for two at the Rasa Sayang - the most expensive hotel in Penang. My mother would be horrified if she knew about third prize. 'What would a good Muslim girl be doing at the Rasa Sayang for the night?' she would ask.

Anyway, I will not be winning anything. Many of the girls call me 'Grandma' because working with the microscope has made my eyes bad and I have to wear glasses. Many of the workers here wear glasses. A number of us would like to do something about the conditions in the factory. Apart from eye strain, there are chemicals in the factory which burn if they are spilt. The company is opposed to us forming a union. They would sack us if they thought we were doing that. They prefer us to compete with each other rather than stand together.

We know that our company is American because Americans come to the factory sometimes and explain to us that the microchips are shipped to the U.S. when we have finished with them. I often wonder if there are women in the U.S. doing the same sort of work as me and, if so, what their conditions and pay are like.

(Adapted from: Grossman, R. (1985) Miss Micro, New Internationalist, No. 150, August, pp.12-13; Matsui, Y. (1987) Women's Asia, Zed Press, London, p. 33-40; Sunam, Hard Labour, Australia Asia Workers Links, Melbourne, 1992, p. 30.)

Resource 7

Noi's Story

Source: Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, pp. 56-57.

Noi is Thai. She comes from a poor province in northern Thailand but currently she is working in one of the Bangkok bars that 'service' foreign male tourists.

Noi says:

My parents are still in northern Thailand. My father works in an auto repair shop. With his salary he had to feed his 10 children. Because of this I could only go to fourth grade, so I only have basic skills in writing and reading.

For many years I didn't have any work and so I helped out in the house. Then a friend convinced me to come to Bangkok. When I arrived at the bus station in Bangkok, I was very confused, I didn't know where to begin to look for a job. At the bus station I met a lady who told me that she was there to recruit girls to work as waitresses. I went with the woman, stayed in her hostel and started work as a waitress.

I soon discovered that I could not earn enough as a waitress to pay for my room at the hostel. Soaporn, the hostel owner, suggested that she would introduce me to some men, tourists, and that part of the fee she charged would go to pay off my debts. I have since learned that Soaporn charged quite a high fee to my first customer - a virgin fee. I was only 17 at the time and I saw none of that money.

Since those days I have graduated to the bar business. The bar where I work is owned by Soaporn, her brother and a foreign businessman so we get many foreign men coming here to find girls and have a holiday. Unfortunately, because these men are on vacation they expect to be able to do exactly as they please. I sometimes wonder if they would do these things at home.

My bar work consists of dancing along side the other girls on a platform. At first I was very shy but I am used to it now. We all have numbers and if a customer wants to meet one of us he tells the bar manager and after our dance routine is over we are assigned to our customers.

I hate my work but I have little choice. I make enough to live on, approximately A$230 per month, but I'm still repaying my debt and a large part of what we earn at the bar goes to the bar owners. My only alternative would be to try and find alternative work on the streets, but I would not have the same protection as I do in the bar and I'm fearful of the actions the bar owners might take if I leave before paying off my debt. I have not been able to send money to my parents, which was one of the reasons for coming to Bangkok. My parents don't know anything about my work. I don't know what they would say if they found out.

I don't know what the future holds. I try not to think about it. But in a few years, I won't be earning what I am now. Disease is always a concern. At the moment AIDS is the main concern. We are tested every two months for AIDS and so far I'm alright. I have heard that there are a large number of girls who have tested positive but I haven't seen a lot of sick people. Perhaps the sick ones are thrown out onto the streets and they have to return their villages. We are warned to always use condoms but it's not always easy to talk about them when you are trying to be pleasing and earn some money.

Like many of the other women here, I dream of finding a way out of this business. Perhaps a rich foreigner will come and pay my debts, even marry me and take me away from here. But what would he know about me, about my culture, about my home? Some girls I know have had their names placed on marriage lists at agencies that provide brides for foreign men. One of my friends went off to West Germany, to marry an old man she didn't know. She was a committed Buddhist and she spoke no words of German. I don't know how she is managing, I have not heard from her since she left. I think I would prefer to stay here, but I don't know what I'll do.

(Adapted from Lenze, I. (1978) Tourism Prostitution in Asia, Isis, No. 13, 6-7; O'Grady, R. (1981) Third World Stopover, World Council of Churches, Geneva; The Time Bomb of AIDS in Thailand, Background Briefing (Summer Season), A.B.C. Radio National, Jan. 10, 1993.)

Resource 8

Cathy's Story

Source: Williamson-Fien, J. (1993) Women's Voices, Global Learning Centre, Windsor, pp. 20-21.

In one of the wealthiest residential areas on the east coast of Singapore, a thirty-two-year-old Filipino named Cathy works as a maid. She is a short, brown-skinned woman wearing a T-shirt and jeans. In the quiet late afternoon she sits on the veranda of the apartment where she is slowly rocking a sleeping baby in a hammock. The baby wakes and is fretful; Cathy takes her up in her arms and kisses her cheek. 'Shizu is such a darling that I forget I'm homesick,' she says with a warm smile. Her English is very good even though she speaks with a strong Filipino accent. Cathy begins to talk about herself. A typical Filipino woman, she is friendly and frank.

Four-months-old Shizu is the daughter of a Japanese businessman who employs Cathy, and his American wife who is working on behalf of refugees. 'When I am looking at Shizu she reminds me of my own four children left behind in my home country,' said Cathy.

Why did the mother of four children have to leave them and come to Singapore to work? Cathy was born in Visayas, in the central part of the Philippines, one of the most economically depressed areas. Her father is a primary school teacher, and her mother works for the local government. Cathy went to college and studied to become a laboratory technician but, even with her training, it was difficult to get a job because the Philippines is full of unemployed people. Finally, she was hired to work in a nature conservation bureau, but her salary was very low.

She married a local government official, but her husband was also poorly paid and even though they were both working, it was difficult to raise four children. This is why Cathy began to consider going abroad as migrant worker. Her sisters-in-law were already working in Singapore as maids. 'I heard that women who had migrated to Saudi Arabia had dreadful experiences, so I chose Singapore as I was told it was a safe place to work.' Cathy's father was opposed to her plan to work overseas. 'He felt that it was a pity that a college graduate had to become a maid,' Cathy says. Nevertheless, Cathy was determined to go. She applied to an overseas employment agency and for permission to leave the country.

Cathy's first job in Singapore made her very unhappy. Her employer was Chinese. She was unable to communicate with the family and was badly mistreated. Eventually she ran away but, because she had failed to fulfil the terms of her two year contract, she was forced to return to the Philippines.

Fortunately, before she left she was introduced to her present employer and, after spending some time at home returned to Singapore to begin working for this new family. 'The wife of my present employer is very warm and kind; I'm very lucky,' Cathy smiled. She earns Singapore $300 and $50 allowance each month (approximately $A320) which is the average pay for domestic helpers here. Sunday is her day off.

On Sunday I go to mass in the morning, and then to the Botanical Garden. This is the meeting place for the Filipinos and I can see my sister-in-law, cousins, and friends.

On Sundays the Botanical Garden in Singapore is crowded with Filipino women; they have lunch together, and sing and play guitars. It is really a holiday scene where the maids from the Philippines can rest and enjoy themselves. For Cathy, it is also a time for meeting with her relatives; her aunt, who was a teacher for many years, and six other family members are working in Singapore. They get together to forget the loneliness of living in a foreign country. Cathy usually leaves early to have time to write letters to her family.

Even on a working day, after I finish my job, I write letters to my children about school, study, play, behaviour, and such ordinary things. It is quite natural for a mother to be concerned about these issues. Fortunately, my mother-in-law is taking good care of them. My elder sons go to school and make very good marks. I am encouraged.

This mother of three sons, aged ten, eight, and seven, and a three-year-old daughter, is concerned about her children all the time. She carries their photographs with her everywhere she goes.

When I left home, my children saw me off and all of them were crying. It was very, very hard when my daughter, Sherila, cried, 'Mummy, don't go' and clung tightly to me. When some friend is going home I always send toys to my children.

Cathy weeps, but she adds:

Without education you cannot get out of poverty. I'm working hard now not only to earn my living, but also to save for the children's education so that they can grow up to be good citizens. My husband has recently written to me saying that he also wants to migrate to work in the Middle East. I have made up my mind to continue working here for another two years after this contract is up. Both of us are ready to sacrifice ourselves for the future of our children.

A college graduate mother has to bring up someone else's child far away from her own, and her husband is also planning to leave the family to work elsewhere. Such a case, where family members are living and working in different places, is not at all exceptional in the Philippines. More than one million Filipinos are working abroad. Men go to Middle Eastern countries as construction workers and women go all over the world as maids. More than 7,000-8,000 Filipinos, like Cathy, are working as domestics in Singapore. In 1988, more than 30,000 Filipino women were working as maids in Hong Kong.

(Adapted from Matsui, Y. (1987) Women's Asia, Zed Press, London, pp. 50-51.)

Resource 9

The Chipko Movement

Source: Weber, T. (1989) Hugging the Trees, Penguin, Hammondsworth.

India's hill forests are a critical resource, not only for the women who utilise them for gathering food, fuel and fodder but as a watershed, regulating water flow to the valleys below. Commercial logging in the Garhwel Himilaya region led to landslides and disastrous floods. In the 1970s local resistance to forest destruction gathered pace in the form of the Chipko movement ('Chipko' means to hug). In 1974, hundreds of women from the Chamoli District in Uttar Pradesh pledged to save the trees at the cost of their own lives if necessary. When the loggers arrived the women went into the forests and put their arms around the trees, telling the loggers that they would not be able to cut the trees before first killing them. The contractors withdrew and the forest was reprieved. The Chipko movement spread and many villagers began to guard the forests, fast for them and hug the trees to prevent them being felled. When forest officers accused the women of being foolish, saying 'Do you not know what the forests bear? Resin, timber and foreign exchange', the women replied. 'What do the forests bear? Soil, water and pure air! Soil, water and pure air are the very bases of life!'

Resource 10

Kenya: Creating Islands of Green

Source: Newsweek, March 9, 1992.*

When Sophia Kiarie moved from Kenya's forested highlands to the arid community of Ruiru 20 years ago, she was immediately struck by the lack of greenery. She looked out over the parched sisal fields and wondered where she could possibly find enough firewood for her family, including her husband and 11 children. So she began studying informally, asking Kenya foresters their advice and carefully observing the life cycles of different trees. 'Some died of drought', she recalls, poking a finger into the soft Kenyan soil. 'Others died when the hard rains came.'

Though she never took a class in forestry or botany, Kiaire, 41, learned quickly. 'I have a degree in understanding the problems of my area', she says with a knowing smile. She became a local field officer for the Geneva-based Bellerive Foundation, a non-profit organisation that focuses on environmental issues. That woke her up to the dangers of land degradation around Ruiru, about 20 kilometers north of Nairobi. Soon she opened a tree nursery, which has so far distributed more than 500,000 seedlings to schools, hospitals and individual farmers. In addition, Kiarie has led a successful campaign to conserve trees by promoting an energy efficient, low-cost stove designed by engineers from the Bellerive Foundation. The stove, which burns far less wood than the traditional stone-bordered fire, has become a local hit; more than 2,000 Kenyan families and 600 institutions now use one. 'I can convince people because I am a beneficiary of the product', says Kiarie. 'It's easier to convince people when they can identify with you.'

Kiarie is not just a local hero. Last November she was invited to Miami to attend the United Nations-sponsored Global Assembly on Women and the Environment, where she spoke about her crusade to establish scores of 'green islands' - plots of trees - around government institutions. Kiarie believes women are the key to a healthier future for Kenya and hopes to get more of them involved in her reforestation projects. 'Women know how to nurse', she says, gently tucking a tiny sprout into the earth. 'They have caring hands.'

* From Newsweek, March, 1992. © 1992 Newsweek, Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted by permission.

Resource 11

Maria Cherkasova

Source: Ress, P. (1992) Women's Success in Environmental Management, Our Planet, 4(1), 16-17.

In the Soviet Union, in 1986, the Ministry of Energy and local authorities decided to build a huge, 200 metre high electric dam on the Katrun River in the Altai Mountains. They hadn't counted on Maria Cherkasova, a biologist and journalist. When she realised that the dam would flood a beautiful historic wilderness, destroy wildlife, erode fertile land and, by leaching mercury and other toxic substances out of the rocks, pollute the drinking water for millions of people, she spread the word, and small, militant committees for the Salvation of the Katun River were created in six cities. They soon won the support of thousands of citizens who started protest marches, signed mass petitions and organised meetings and letter-writing campaigns. Construction on the dam has been halted - at least for the moment.

Other consequences of the campaign are just as important. It raised nationwide Soviet consciousness about environmental issues, taught those involved a lot about environmental activism and led to the creation of an umbrella organisation of 200 Soviet environmental groups, the Socio-Ecological Union, under Maria Cherkosova's leadership. The Union established contacts with international organisations and has gone on to lead a wide range of successful environmental campaigns and activities.

Resource 12

Michiko Ishimure

Source: Matsui, Y. (1975) Protest and the Japanese Woman, Japan Quarterly, 22(1), 31-32.

Towards the end of the 1950s, the people in a small fishing village on Minamata Bay in Kyushu, Japan, began to suffer from a terrible disease.

Their limbs were paralysed, their lips unmovable; and they cried aloud like dogs howling in madness. Japanese scientists discovered that this strange disease was caused by waste from Chisso Corporation's plant, located in Minamata City, which had polluted not only the coastal waters but also the fish and the shellfish.

There was one woman visitor to this fishing village who made calls on these God-forsaken victims. She was Ishimure Michiko, a poet and housewife. She kept records of all she saw and heard during her visits to the victims. Among those upon whom she called were a blind boy who could not talk but fumbled for a baseball bat with which to hit at stones; a fisherman's wife who, longing to live a healthy life once more and to go fishing with her husband, died in convulsive agony; a beautiful little girl who lived a death-like life; and an old man who died in madness, rending the wall and hitting his head against the head-board of his bed. In profound sympathy, understanding and anguish, Ishimure Michiko wrote her documentary account in 1969, Kugai Jodo (Pure Land Poisoned Sea), which was subtitled 'Our Minamata Disease.' This documentary brought vividly to the attention of the Japanese people the true results of industrialisation, and an enormous reaction ensured. The book openly and effectively questioned the 'productivity-first and profit-first' attitude of industrialised Japan.

Ishimure Michiko herself organised a civic group to assist victims of Minamata Disease and launched a movement to secure adequate compensation for them from Chisso Corporation.

(N.B. This extract uses the Japanese convention of putting the family name first and the personal name second.)

© Commonwealth of Australia