Indigenous Settlements of Australia
Australia: State of the Environment Second Technical Paper Series (Human Settlements), Series 2
Dr Paul Memmott and Mark Moran
Department of the Environment and Heritage, 2001
ISBN 0 642 54790 4
Regional Settlement Patterns
Throughout Indigenous Australia, distinctive regional settlement patterns are discernible involving particular configurations of the Indigenous settlement types discussed above. These patterns can be largely explained by local processes of cultural change arising from various historically imposed forces emanating from either the local, regional, State or Federal levels. Given the high level of mobility discussed previously, there is considerable interaction between different Indigenous settlements which is best understood at a regional scale.
These settlement pattern types which are described below are analyzed within ATSIC regions. ATSIC regions are administrative regions and are a different geographic concept to the Cultural-Geographic Regions described in the earlier part of this paper. Some of these ATSIC regions have in fact a number of Cultural-Geographic Regions cross-cutting them.
To exemplify these settlement patterns or 'settlement-scapes', first consider the maps in Figures 13 and 14 which show the Indigenous settlements in two ATSIC regions1 of the Northern Territory, Miwatj (or Nhulunbuy) and Yapakurlangu (or Tennant Creek). The maps adopt a similar categorisation of settlements to that of the taxonomy described earlier. Each map differentiates between (i) large discrete Aboriginal settlements - major settlements which are self governing and containing the facilities generally expected in any town of that size (eg school, health centre, store etc.); (ii) small discrete Aboriginal settlements - settlements which are self-governing and may provide resources to smaller outstations; and (iii) family outstations - small family outstations, each with up to 20 people in permanent or semi-permanent residence, with a water supply and shelters (definitions adapted from N.T., Maps N.T. 1996).
Settlement pattern 1
The map of the Miwatj Region (Figure 13) indicates the proliferation of the outstation movement (defined previously) in a remote area that has a fairly uninterrupted history of being Aboriginal Reserve or Aboriginal Land status, albeit with some mining settlement. It also reflects the higher coastal density of clan populations, a common feature of traditional Indigenous settlement patterns.
Arnhem Land was gazetted as an Aboriginal Reserve in 1931 and closed to all outsiders except Church Missionary Societies. The large discrete settlements shown in Figure 13 are the original Mission settlements of Milingimbi (established 1922), Yirrikala (1935), Elcho Island (1942), Angurugu (formerly Emerald River 1921), Numbulwar (formerly Rose River, 1952) and Umbakumba (1958) (Aust, Dept of Territories 1958). Although some cultural change occurred in the Mission era, most Aboriginal people of the region retained close bonds with their traditional clan territories, catalysing a major outstation movement in the 1970s and 1980s when Mission controls over population movement were relaxed (Coombs et al 1980). Also evident in Figure 13, there are 89 family outstations in the region. One of the largest outstation resource centres is at Galiwin'ku which services 28 outstations. In addition, there are ten small discrete settlements (self-governing), most of which had once been outstations in earlier years.
Two mining towns were established through the 1960s and 70s, Alyangula on Groote Eylandt (manganese) and Nhulunbuy on the Gove Peninsula (bauxite). The populations of these two towns together with a proportion of administrative staff in the larger Aboriginal settlements make up the non-Aboriginal population of the region.
Road access into the remote Miwatj region remains limited. One access road is closed for at least one month per year, and the second for up to six months during and after the wet season. There is high dependence on barge and plane access.
Figure 13. Indigenous Settlement pattern in Eastern Arnhem Land or Miwatj region, Northern Territory.
(Map adapted from NT, Maps NT 1996.)
| ATSIC Region | 1996 | % of regional population (1996) |
|---|---|---|
| Miwatj (Nhulunbuy) | 7001 | 57.8% |
| Yapakurlangu (Tennant Creek) | 3449 | 49.2% |
| Brisbane | 27635 | 1.3% |
| Murdi Paaki (Bourke) | 7344 | 13.0% |
Sources: ABS 1996B,C; CData 96.
Settlement pattern 2
The map of the Yapakurlangu region (Figure 14) shows a different type of distribution of Aboriginal settlements in a predominantly pastoral region with a concentration of people in rural towns, but punctuated by some blocks of Aboriginal land, again with outstations, and also with some small settlements on excision leases within pastoral leases. The large tracts of land in this region are comprised of (a) pastoral leases, (b) Aboriginal reserves, and (c) Aboriginal land obtained from successful land rights claims.
Pastoral leases are spread across the Barkly Tableland, and occupy all of the land of value to pastoralism and were developed as such for between 60 and 130 years. Most pastoral stations were developed using the labours of local 'traditional-owner' Aboriginal groups who occupied semi-sedentary camps and tin sheds on the properties (often referred to as 'pastoral camps') until the 1960s. Although some properties have been purchased by Indigenous groups, most are held in non-indigenous ownership.
The Aboriginal Reserves are of a semi-arid nature and comprise areas into which Aboriginal people were moved by government under the former policy of protectionism in the mid-20th century. Since 1976 these reserves have been converted to Aboriginal land through the use of the Aboriginal Land Rights (N.T.) Act 1976 eg. Warrabri, now named Ali Curung.
Other land has been successfully claimed since the late 1970s under the Aboriginal Land Rights (N.T.) Act 1976. This is predominantly arid, former Crown Land, with negligible history of pastoral use due to its poor economic value. Such lands have been re-occupied by claimant groups as part of their homelands movement.
The pattern of settlement types in this region can be described as (i) one large Aboriginal settlement established in 1955 by the Commonwealth Government, originally named Warrabri, renamed Ali-Curung, and with a diverse population of 395 in 1996; (ii) eight Town Camps at Tennant Creek, two at Elliott and one at Barrow Creek that emerged after the 'equal wages' decision of 1968 for the pastoral industry, resulting in the eviction of many Aboriginal people from their camps on pastoral properties (formerly they provided labour for very low or negligible wages); (iii) 38 outstations on the arid Aboriginal reserve land secured since 1976, which developed in the 1980s and 90s, so much so that seven have become self-governing small Aboriginal settlements in their own right; (iv) 14 outstations on pastoral properties, many of which are on small residential leases excised out of the pastoral properties as a political outcome of the late 1970s, and to which a number of the original communities employed in the previous pastoral station labour camps moved eg. on Lake Nash Station, the Alpurrurulam settlement was established. Of these 14 outstations, eight are self-governing settlements; (v) dispersed Indigenous housing in Tennant Creek which forms a regional centre from which most of the outstations are serviced.
Figure 14. Indigenous Settlement pattern in Yapakurlangu region, Northern Territory.
Source: (Map adapted from NT, Maps NT 1996.)
Settlement Pattern 3
A third regional settlement pattern which can be considered, and which contrasts with the former two of the Northern Territory, is that of the wider Brisbane metropolitan region.
In the 1950s and 1960s, the imposed processes of assimilation resulted in many Indigenous people from South-east Queensland finding themselves in Housing Commission homes in lower or middle class Brisbane suburbs. With the advent of the 1971 Queensland Aboriginals Act, statutory mechanisms formerly preventing Indigenous people from leaving reserve communities were relaxed. This resulted in the gradual drift of rural people to regional centres, which occurred throughout the 1970s. A pattern of Indigenous dispersed residence was established in Brisbane and has since grown more populous and complex. A significant proportion of the Brisbane population are from the nearest large remote discrete settlement in Queensland, Cherbourg. (It is held that these dispersals represent the legacy of the State's institutional policies during the 20th century, which have resulted in community fracturing and the loss of social cohesion.) (Memmott 1991B:188,253,259.)
While white urban life has attractions for most Indigenous people, a feeling for the people and country "back home" is always maintained (Langton 1981:16). Many such urban immigrants have retained their cultural identity and hope to return to their home communities in their later lives if local housing shortages can be overcome.
Indigenous concentrations of people are to be found in the wider Brisbane metropolitan region in Inala and Wacol in the outer west of Brisbane, Woodridge and Kingston in Logan City, Eagleby in Gold Coast city, the outer northern (Brisbane) suburb of Zillmere, the outer southern (Brisbane) suburb of Acacia Ridge, parts of central and eastern Ipswich and the bayside centres of Redland Bay and Dunwich. Medium to high concentrations of Indigenous people are also found in isolated pockets within the Brisbane suburbs of Morayfield, Deception Bay, Redcliffe, Wynnum and inner city areas such as South Brisbane, Dutton Park, and Fortitude Valley. (ABS 1998:19.) The Brisbane people included a number of core families of long residence, seventy years or more, some tracing back to the Purga Mission near Ipswich and the Myora Mission of North Stradbroke Island (Memmott 1991B:253,254). Only a minority can now claim to be descended from the original Brisbane tribes of the Durrbal and Yagara.
Figure 15. Wider Brisbane metropolitan region showing percentage of distribution of Indigenous population to total population.
Source: (Map by Qld. AHURI Centre from ABS 1996b,c.)
Gravitation of Indigenous people to specific urban locales is not just a matter of choosing low rental suburbs and designated State Housing developments, but includes conscious social choices such as returning to familiar family residential areas, and attaching to kin networks, 'reserve' community groups (eg Cherbourg, Woorabinda) or to others of the same lifestyle kind. In Brisbane, social organization is characterized by multiple overlapping kin-based communities located across numerous suburbs and by high internal transformation as members move across the city or return to home settlements in many parts of the State. New arrivals to such communities at first build on kinship and home-town links, but other community networks also form around a range of other social bonds such as affiliation to sporting clubs, government and community organizations. Acceptance into the group will partly rely on familiarity with its social norms. Group membership may also be dictated by lifestyle circumstances e.g. as in the case of alcoholic, low-income, street groups. (Central to the development of the street and park dweller lifestyle has been the role of Musgrave Park as a meeting and drinking place). More permanent features of Brisbane social organization may be stable matrifocal families with long-term residential links. (Memmott 1991B:261.)
The role of Indigenous organizations in providing a sense of structure and community focus can be gauged by their very numbers. Listings of Indigenous organizations in Brisbane contain some 100 or more government and non-government departments, branches, units, enclaves, organizations, co-operatives, incorporated bodies, associations etc. Of these, many are educational groups (from pre-school to tertiary), health and welfare agencies, housing associations, church-based bodies, and hostels. The number continues to grow as Indigenous tertiary graduates increase and opt for employment at the State level of politics, commerce and administration in Brisbane.
In the early 1980s the Aboriginal academic and activist Marcia Langton commented (1981) on the paucity of research on the Indigenous cultures of the city, and the failure to recognize that there are indeed Indigenous urban cultures. The extent of research findings has changed little since. Such paucity prevents in-depth analysis of cultural change for the Brisbane communities. Perhaps the lack of information also reflects the dynamic nature of these groups. However some comment can be made on other communities in this region. The Kombumeri of the Gold Coast area and the Quandamooka people of Stradbroke and Moreton Islands have both, in recent decades, mapped their sacred sites in their countries, formed their own Land Councils and maintained a strong sense of Aboriginality despite that their tribal territories fall within areas which experienced maximum historical contact depth. (The Quandamooka people have had sustained culture contact since the 1820s.) Both groups are currently engaged in making Native Title Claims over their traditional areas.
However the dynamics of social organization in Brisbane, the relative absence of any spatial concentration or focus of community (unlike other settlement types), and the presence of hostile discriminatory non-indigenous elements, contribute to a lack of social strength and an inability for some groups to effectively deal with the many of the social problems of urban life.
Figure 16. Example of dispersed Indigenous settlement in Brisbane (Hill End). This development extends along two streets and comprises rental units for older Indigenous people. An Aboriginal hostel is located behind this complex. (Photo by K. Eckermann, AERC.)
Settlement Pattern 4: Western New South Wales - Murdi Paaki Region
To complete this brief survey of regional settlement patterns, a fourth will be examined which contrasts yet again with the first two from the Northern Territory, as well as with the third from South-East Queensland. The Murdi Paaki region (see Figure 17) is centred on the Darling River basin and areas of semi-arid country surrounding it in western New South Wales. It was traditionally occupied by several large language groups or nations: the Barkandji language group on the Darling river itself, the Western Gamilaraay and Yuwaalaraay groups in the east, and the western semi-desert peoples (Yalji language group). (This description is mainly compiled from Memmott 1991A, and Smith 1996.)
Figure 17. Map of Murdi Paaki (or Bourke) ATSIC Region, New South Wales, showing Indigenous population centres.
Source: (Map adapted from Landinfo 1999.)
The pastoral occupation of the Darling and its tributaries by colonists occurred in the period 1845-65 and was serviced by paddle steamboats. By 1880 almost all of the land to the State borders was carved into vast pastoral properties. The customary Indigenous settlement pattern transformed into a combination of pastoral property camps and town camps with the adults providing a labour pool for the colonists. Steady Indigenous population decline occurred in the region from 1880 to 1945 and this was, at least in the early decades, due to a reduction in traditional foods (exacerbated by drought and rabbit plagues) but in later decades due to diseases, poor nutrition, and poverty as well as environmental health problems and alcohol abuse that accompanied sedentary living in town camps through the depressions (1890s, 1920s).
The formation of town camps was partly catalyzed by ration and blanket distributions organised in the small rural towns by the Aboriginal Protection Board (established in 1883). Some Aboriginal reserves were established both in and out of towns in this early period eg. Brewarrina (1885), Goodooga (1892), Angledool (1906), Dennowan (1913), Collarenebri (1899). With the implementation of the Aboriginal Protection Act in 1909, further small Aboriginal Reserves were established at Pooncarie (1909), Milparinka, Tibooburra (1937), White Cliffs, Menindee (1933), Wilcannia (1942), Walgett (1952), Bourke (1946), & Enngonia (1957) (NSW, MAA 1984). Some of these Reserves were initially known as 'stations' but most came to be known as 'missions'.
A number of factors contributed to the migration of Indigenous families into missions and town camps from pastoral stations, including the reduced need for continuous unskilled labour brought about by improved technology (fencing, artesian bores), and the subdivision of the larger pastoral holdings into small 'one-man' blocks for return soldiers after 1918. The Protection Board implemented a series of forced migrations and dispersals during 1920-50 in order to concentrate Indigenous people into segregated reserves and to convert old reserves back into land for pastoral use. But despite this many people maintained themselves in, or returned to town camps. The town camps were far more autonomous than the government controlled missions and were invariably situated on town commons without secure land tenure. In some places the Protection Board (later to become the Welfare Board) eventually excised small Aboriginal Reserves out of some of these commons and erected modest housing (eg 14 cottages on the Wilcannia Mission in 1951-52).
There emerged through the period 1950-1970 a pattern of living in either town camp or mission settlements. An exceptional example of an Indigenous pastoral settlement that survived right through the process of change was that of Weilmoringle. The sedenterization and growth of families in semi-autonomous town camps at times resulted in a complex 'tin camp' or humpy ethno-architecture. However the established settlement patterns were from time to time severely disrupted due to major flooding of the Darling basin which swept away the more low-lying camps (eg 1951, 1974).
In 1969, the NSW Housing Commission assumed responsibility for Indigenous rental housing in towns and on some Reserves, and implemented its policy of assimilation (or integration) through a technique known as 'scatterization' (or 'salt and pepper') whereby a specified mix and relative density of Indigenous and non-indigenous tenants was sought. This often proved impractical however as there was often an insufficient white population in the small rural towns into which black families could integrate. There was often a discriminatory reaction on the part of non-Indigenous residents as well.
Another aspect of cultural continuity albeit with internal transformation, was the territorial pattern of regional mobility (referred to at times as 'beats') which defined Cultural Geographic Regions. In the 1970s one 'beat' in this region constituted Wilcannia, Murrin Bridge, Bourke, Menindee, Wentworth and possibly Broken Hill and Dareton, whilst to the north-east was a second beat encompassing Walgett, Collarenabri, Angledool, Pilliga, Brewarrina, Goodooga and Weilmoringle (and which also extended into Queensland). (Memmott 1991:99-100.)
With the reform to Aboriginal Affairs in the early 1970s and the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983 (NSW), many of the Town Campers gained tenure and funding to build conventional houses and install infrastructure on their old Town Camp sites, albeit often having to employ levee banks and elevated platforms to minimize flood impacts. A few of the old humpies are still preserved as a reminder of the distinctive town camp lifestyle (eg at Collarenabri and Goodooga).
However the majority of Indigenous people in the region occupy State rental housing under a variety of mainstream and targeted programs that have operated over the last 30 years. The settlement pattern is thus dispersed residence together with discrete urban settlements in most rural towns. In 1996 the region contained four rural towns with Indigenous populations from 500 to 900, another ten towns with populations ranging from 100 to 500, five towns with populations less than 50 and several Indigenous pastoral settlements.
Figure 18. Part of a discrete urban settlement on the outskirts of a rural town in the Murdi Paaki region of western New South Wales, 1999. The 'humpy' survives from a Town Camp established on a Town Common Reserve in the 1950s. As part of an ATSIC programme, most humpies have been replaced by modern houses on elevated platforms to reduce flood risks from the nearby river. However the residents have retained a few humpies, partly for storage and visitor use, but also as symbols of a past lifestyle era.(Photo by P. Memmott.)
Summary of settlement patterns
The four regional settlement patterns examined above in the four ATSIC regions can be summarized as follows:-
Region 1. Remote discrete Indigenous settlements and outstations.
Region 2. A town forming a regional centre which contains both dispersed urban settlement and discrete urban settlements (town camps). This regional centre services many outlying discrete settlements (both outstations and pastoral settlements). There are also several small rural towns that contain further discrete urban settlements.
Region 3. Dispersed Indigenous housing and community facilities in a large metropolitan region that has historically extended outwards from a capital city.
Region 4. Dispersed Indigenous housing and community facilities in numerous rural towns, combined with discrete urban settlement (town camps) on the outskirts of those towns, and several pastoral settlements.
As can be seen above, underlying these contrasting settlement patterns are to be found differences in the physical environments, differences between the original Aboriginal social organizations, and variation in the nature of the colonial contact, as well as in the emergent economies of the regions. But also inherent in these people-environment patterns are specific opportunities for (as well as parameters upon) economic development and qualities of lifestyle, attenuated by variations in the extent of Indigenous self-governance and land ownership.